Delays in diaspora voting fuel speculation of intentional sabotage by Greece

With six days to go before Albania’s May 11 elections, serious problems have emerged in the country’s first-ever external voting process in Greece. The delays are linked to the international courier DHL, which was contracted to handle ballot distribution and return. As of now, only 35% of the voting envelopes from Greece have reached the Central Election Commission (CEC), raising both logistical concerns and speculation of intentional foul play by Greek authorities.

Why is this important: Greece hosts the second-largest population of Albanian voters abroad after Italy, with 68,380 registered voters, out of a total of 245,000 Albanian diaspora voters. The majority are believed to support the Socialist Party. With Albania’s electoral system highly sensitive to even small vote shifts, the failure to process these ballots could decisively affect the final results in several districts.

Context: While other countries have seen smooth delivery and return of ballots, Greece stands out for its systemic issues. According to CEC data, just 35% of the ballots from Greece have made it back to Albania after being cast.

Thousands of voters have reported issues, including:

• No notification that their voting envelopes had arrived.
• Improper delivery procedures, where DHL staff failed to follow the contractual protocol requiring that envelopes be delivered only to the named recipient upon ID verification.
• Cases of returned mail due to incorrect delivery or failed handoff attempts.

Under the agreement, voters must receive their ballot packets directly and personally, confirming their identity with valid identification. This procedure was widely ignored in Greece, many report.

Prime Minister Edi Rama and government officials have urged registered voters to go directly to DHL collection points to pick up their ballots. Rama stated that this was “a logistical failure created by the postal company,” but also noted that the issue appears to be resolving in the final hours before the deadline.

All ballots must arrive on Albanian soil by 7:00 p.m. on May 11. Any envelope arriving after that cut-off will not be counted, regardless of when it was sent.

Speculations of sabotage: While government officials have been careful not to accuse Greece of interference, speculation online and in the media is surging. A theory gaining traction suggests an intentional obstruction of the vote process by the Greek state or affiliated actors.

Although unproven, the theory is rooted in recent diplomatic tensions and has gained momentum due to the facts on the ground. The speculation hinges on one idea: that Greece is quietly retaliating against Prime Minister Rama’s government over the Fredi Beleri case.

In May 2023, just one day before local elections, Fredi Beleri—an ethnic Greek and opposition candidate in Himara—was arrested in flagrante delicto while buying votes. The arrest sparked a major crisis between Albania and Greece.

Although Beleri was charged and later sentenced to two years in prison, the Greek government treated the arrest as a violation of minority rights. Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis described the situation as an attack on a “Hellenic citizen,” ignoring Beleri’s status as an Albanian national caught committing a penal offense.

Greece responded with open threats to block Albania’s EU integration process. Despite this, the case moved forward in Albania’s courts and Beleri served his sentence. He was later elected to the European Parliament with backing from Greece’s ruling party.

Tensions cooled somewhat in 2024, with both governments stating that relations had “normalized” and that negotiations were underway on unresolved bilateral issues. But the online theory now suggests that voter disenfranchisement in Greece is Mitsotakis’ attempt to weaken Edi Rama as Albania heads to national elections.

Speculation is also fueled by the political geography: Albanian migrants in Greece have historically offered strong support for the Socialist Party, which is led by Rama. Many have lived and contributed economically in Greece for over three decades.

The idea that this group’s votes are being selectively obstructed has added emotional weight to the narrative of targeted sabotage.

Berisha’s opening to Greece: Adding further fuel to the speculations is the apparent thaw in relations between opposition leader Sali Berisha and Greece. In recent months, Berisha has made repeated efforts to align with Greek conservatives, and has campaigned alongside Beleri.

His recent meeting with Mitsotakis during the European People’s Party (EPP) Congress in Valencia was widely covered by Democratic Party channels. For Berisha, the photo-op with the Greek PM served as symbolic confirmation that he is no longer politically isolated—despite being under U.S. and U.K. sanctions.

Berisha’s vocal support for Beleri and alignment with Greek messaging on minority issues have also drawn attention. The contrast between his warm reception in Athens and the visible friction between Rama and the Greek government has not gone unnoticed in Albania.

What’s next: With the voting deadline just days away, the fate of thousands of votes remains uncertain. Unless the ballots from Greece are delivered to the CEC before 7:00 p.m. on election day, they will be invalidated—potentially silencing a large and politically influential bloc.

While no government official has endorsed the sabotage theory, the combination of delivery failures, diplomatic history, and online reaction is creating an atmosphere of growing mistrust—just as the country heads into a high-stakes election.